Al Jazeera writes about a new attempt by humanitarians to break the Gaza siege by boat.
During a news conference in Athens, the group said that they would leave Athens on August 1 to draw attention to the plight of 1.5 million Palestinians suffering from acute shortage of basic necessities from fuel to food.
The project is said to be organized by over 100 humanitarian organizations. 40 people from 17 countries are planning to sail from Cyprus to Gaza in two ships. The names of the ships, the names of the organizers, and the companies transporting the passengers have not been publicized.
This could be because if Israel doesn't want these guys to break the Gaza siege, they won't make a big diplomatic stink, they will just sink the ships while they sit in the harbor.
Al Jazeera also says:
Paul Larudee, one of the event's organizers, said, "Israel says it's pulled out its soldiers from Gaza so they should have no objection to us going there,"
"We have been in contact with the authorities in Greece, in Cyprus and with the Palestinians ... There is no reason to contact the Israeli authorities because we will not be using their territory," the Canadian Press quoted Larudee as saying.
This endeavor is reminiscent of several such attempts made throughout Israel's history.
One of the most famous examples is the story of the Al-Awda (Ship of Return). In 1988, a group of exiled Palestinians and about 130 of their international supporters contracted with a private shipping company to sail in a highly publicized trip to Haifa. Israel first put commercial pressure on the company to cancel the trip. Likewise with other companies that were hired. Later, when the group purchased an old ferry for the trip, "unidentified persons" caused an explosion which sunk the Al-Awda in the harbor.
This event was itself reminiscent of an even earlier attempt by another group. In 1947 the ship Exodus, full of Holocaust survivors, attempt to sail to Haifa and was refused by a British blockade. One passenger on Exodus was even set to sail on Al-Awda.
Another organization, the Popular Committee Against Siege (PCAS), plans to sail from Cyprus to Gaza with 45 people between August 5th and August 10th. (Source)
The siege has lasted two years so far, and was instituted to prevent Gaza from acquiring more arms with which to attack Israel. The siege was tightened in June due to increasing pressure from Israeli citizens to stop the daily missile attacks.
It is difficult to predict the outcome of this endeavor based on the story of Al-Awda, which planned to sail to Haifa, a city clearly under Israeli jurisdiction. As Larudee mentions, Gaza is not part of Israel. However, Israel has reportedly fired upon Gazan fishing vessels during the siege.
In a previous post I wrote about the case of Lieutenant Colonel Omri Fruberg, who was accused of ordering an IDF soldier under his command to open fire on a handcuffed and blindfolded Palestinian prisoner.
In more recent news reports Fruberg is referred to as Bruberg, perhaps in a correction of an earlier mistake.
The IDF's first response to the accusation was:
Lieutenant Colonel Omri was unaware of the incident and that the door of his patrol vehicle blocked his line of vision.
But then they reviewed the video footage of the event and figured out nobody would fall for that crap.
Then they launched an investigation, during which Bruberg took a polygraph at a private institute. The test confirmed he did not give the order to fire. But then he took another polygraph under military supervision, and this time he failed.
Bruberg said he told the soldier only to shake his rifle to frighten the Palestinian, according to a military investigation.
This guy is dumber than a box of rocks. He, and whoever is letting him talk, keeps forgetting that there is a video of this. Why would shaking the rifle scare the prisoner? He was blindfolded.
And furthermore...really??? You thought it would scare him because...people normally shake their rifle before firing it?
Bruberg must have also assumed that the prisoner had his ears plugged as well because that's the only way he wouldn't have heard "Shake your rifle to scare him."
UPDATE: I have now uncovered all sorts of things the Israeli media is not reporting.
First of all, the prisoner who was shot, Ashraf Abu-Rahma, is well-known by the IDF and is considered to be the "Palestinian Che Guevarra" because of his frequent but non-violent resistance to Israeli activity in the West Bank.
Ashraf has been shot multiple times and arrested three times before this incident, which could, in part, explain his obvious lack of surprise at being shot this time. In an interview with IPS, he explained that he doesn't understand Hebrew very well and therefore could not confirm or deny that Bruberg gave the order to fire. However, he did recognize the word for rubber bullet, gumi. It was a rubber coated steel bullet that he was shot with.
Ashraf has gained his reputation for nonviolent resistance by doing things like camping out in homes that were set to be demolished or halting settlement construction by climbing onto the cranes themselves.
Another aspect of this story that nobody is reporting on is the actual situation of the IDF soldiers. For example, even though the media is not reporting his age, it is likely that Lieutenant Colonel Bruberg is between 22 and 25 years old. This is an advanced age for a soldier in his position but incredibly young for a soldier of this rank in any other army. Most active-duty IDF soldiers, especially those in direct contact with Palestinians, are between 18 and 22 years old.
They are dealing with complicated situations where they must often choose between their own life and the life of a stranger. A common example of this concept is the image of a dark figure approaching a guard tower at night. The figure holds what could be a stick or could be a gun. The soldier yells "stop!" but the figure continues to advance. This dark presence could be an adult militant, intent to kill. Or it could be a child.
These soldiers make the choice whether or not to fire before Americans of the same age are even allowed to drink alcohol. They do not have the life experience to act with wisdom and there is nobody supervising them.
Once upon a time, I wrote about how the Iraqi Prime Minister agreed with Barack Obama's timetable for troop withdrawal.
But then they backpedaled:
Mr. Maliki’s statement had been “as not conveyed accurately regarding the vision of Senator Barack Obama, U.S. presidential candidate, on the timeframe for U.S. forces withdrawal from Iraq.”
Now everyone is jumping on that bandwagon.
McCain backpedals on Wolfe Blitzer:
I think when you jump on your opponent's bandwagon, you have to admit at that point that he's got the upper hand.
At the end of Obama's Israel visit, he said to Prime Minister Olmert:
Obama reportedly told Olmert that he is interested in meeting the Iranians in order to issue clear ultimatums. "If after that, they still show no willingness to change their nuclear policy, then any action against them would be legitimate," an Israeli source quoted him as saying.
Really? Any action?
Let's not forget that the US and Israel have nuclear weapons in numbers that make a girl swoon.
Earlier in Sderot, he said:
"A nuclear Iran would pose a grave threat and the world must prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon," Obama stated.
The Illinois senator also warned that a situation in which Iran had achieved this capability would be "game-changing."
"Not just in the Middle East, but around the world," he added. "Whatever remains of our Non-Proliferation Treaty would begin to disintegrate."
The Non-Proliferation Treaty was a document signed by 189 countries back in 1968. The treaty consists of three parts: non-proliferation, disarmament, and the right to peacefully use nuclear technology.
While Iran continues to claim they are using nuclear technology peacefully, with no evidence to the contrary, they are not in violation of the NPT.
The US however, by threatening to nuke Iran (remember, Obama said "any action"), is in violation of the portion of the NPT that states nuclear weapon states should not use or threaten to use those weapons on non-nuclear weapons states.
But this is not the first time this has happened. From Wiki:
The U.S. also had nuclear warheads targeted at North Korea, a non-NWS state, from 1959 until 1991.
I am reading a hilarious news report on Haaretz. Actually, I'm not sure it can be called news...or a report. It's more like a scary bedtime story. Basically it says that there was a mysterious explosion in Iran and nobody knows why or how. Plus, the explosion happened a week ago.
Haaretz tries to make it relevant by adding sinister insinuations, but there are no sources listed, even indirect ones, so as a thinking person I must conclude that at this time, the article is nothing more than a rumor in print.
But, for your entertainment, I will show you my favorite parts.
#1:
Western officials told the Telegraph that the Revolutionary Guards had launched an investigation into the cause mystery blast, which apparently took place on July 19.
Western officials? That is hilarious. So basically, anyone who works for any government in one half of the world.
#2:
The Guards are investigating the possibility that the explosion was the result of sabotage, the officials said. There have been a number of unexplained explosions in Iran of late, including on at a mosque in Shiraz during a military exhibition, and another at a missile site.
This could mean oh-so-many things. Is it possible that the writer is trying to insinuate that these mysterious "Western officials" have sabotaged Iranian weapons?
This is really brilliant writing. At this point, the reader believes they know something really incredible! But actually, they are dumber than before they started reading.
Seriously, it takes a word artist to do that.
#3:
Some of the weapons include long-range missiles that are being transfered through flights using Turkey's airspace, as well as overland though Turkey, under the guise of civilian cargo.
Enter the real manipulation. This is a classic example of Israeli knee-jerk reporting. Hezbollah has long-range missiles?! This is every Israeli's worst fear because it means that Israel's previously untouchable urban centers are now vulnerable targets.
But uh...does Hezbollah actually have long-range missiles? "The West" says so:
The West believes Iran has been increasing its military support of Hezbollah recently, in case of a future armed confrontation over its nuclear program.
The only question left is: who originally engineered this scare tactic?
Obama visited Israel today as part of his Middle East tour. He toured Yad Vashem (the Holocaust Museum) and bomb-riddled Sderot, among other things, and gave a speech in which he said:
I'm here on this trip to reaffirm the special relationship between Israel and the United States and my abiding commitment to Israel's security and my hope that I can serve as an effective partner, whether as a U.S. senator or as president.
He said some other stuff too, I think, but I fell asleep in the middle and when I woke up at the end, he was saying that part over again.
But more importantly, this is my dog: He gave a speech in which he said:
The IDF soldier that was filmed shooting a handcuffed and blindfolded Palestinian protester in the foot was released back to his unit after asserting that his commanding officer ordered him to open fire.
The officer, Lieutenant Colonel Omri Fruberg, took a polygraph test at the urging of his lawyers that confirms that he did not give the order. He is scheduled to take another polygraph today.
The investigation began after the soldier, who was filmed shooting a Palestinian protester during a demonstration in the West Bank village of Na'alin, said he just been carrying out an order by Fruberg.
In the video, Fruberg is shown holding the arm of the Palestinian, Ashraf Abu-Rahama, 27, while a soldier under his command opens fire at close range. Abu-Rahama sustained light wounds to his foot in the incident.
This will likely clear Fruberg of wrongdoing, so the question is whether or not the soldier who fired will be held responsible. The outcome depends largely on how closely Israeli media continues to follow the case.
Israeli security officials are at a loss as to how to prevent a new kind of terrorist attack: the lone terrorist. There have been three such attacks in Jerusalem in recent months. The Shin Bet (Israeli intelligence agency) has had success in preventing attacks by organized groups because there have been sufficient communication leaks within their ranks for Israeli authorities to keep informed about their plans. But when an individual decides, probably spontaneously, to go after civilians, there is no way to prevent it.
So Prime Minister Olmert and others are discussing the possibility of reinstating punitive measures. One of these is the razing of terrorists' homes. One of the problems with these measures is that it is sometimes difficult for Shin Bet to determine whether an attack was a terrorist attack. One of the methods for making this determination is whether or not an organization takes credit for the attack.
With nobody taking credit for the last three attacks in Jerusalem, punitive measures have been put on hold. This is a double-edged sword because it could pave the way for organizations to plan terror attacks for which they don't take credit, thereby minimizing the Israeli response. However, if Israel decides to raze the family homes of lone attackers, they risk the ire of an already annoyed international community.
In recent talks among security officials, additional steps for deterring East Jerusalem terrorists were discussed. Past ideas were revived, including that of expelling the families of terrorists involved in serious attacks inside the city, and revoking the Israeli identity cards of their immediate relatives.
Such measures would require legislative changes, and legal experts expressed doubts whether such proposals would be approved by the Supreme Court.
If such a thing is possible, the fate of abducted soldier Gilad Shalit is even more on the minds of Israeli citizens today. Last week, in a prisoner exchange deal, the bodies of soldiers Udi Goldwasser and Eldad Regev were released in exchange for several Hezbollah prisoners.
This, mercifully and tragically, allowed the families of the two soldiers to turn their energies toward pressuring the government for a prisoner swap involving Shalit, who was taken in a cross-border raid in 2006.
Shalit's company was released from the army today and his fellow soldiers used the opportunity to draw attention to his plight and remind leaders that he would not be forgotten. After their release, the soldiers marched the nine kilometers from Bakum base to the Defense Minister's Bureau in Tel Aviv, where they met with Defense Minister Ehud Barak.
Shalit's comrades met with Barak and asked him - as someone who once served as a commanding officer - to work toward achieving his release. They said that the meeting was pleasant, and that Barak told them efforts are under way to secure Shalit's freedom.
A rally was then held in Rabin Square, where hundreds of supporters gathered to express their hope for Shalit's release.
They reported after their meeting with Barak that he was keeping mum about the swap for good reason:
The reservists also said Barak told them part of the process is being conducted in secrecy so as to avoid the talks being sabotaged.
However, Hamas higher-ups are possibly not being as tight-lipped because the Arab press has begun reporting details about the negotiations.
Al-Bayan, a newspaper published in the UAE, reported the process currently being discussed:
Under the initiative, Israel would release several dozen prisoners a confidence-building measure, including Hamas parliamentarians and ministers arrested after Shalit's abduction in June 2006. In return, Shalit would be brought to Egypt, where his family would be able to visit him. After this stage, negotiations for the release of more Palestinian prisoners and Shalit's return home would continue.
Israel has already approved 71 names on a list of over 800 prisoners, including some who are serving multiple life sentences for involvement in terrorist attacks. Israel expects to release several such prisoners, but is also hoping Egypt will pressure Hamas to be more flexible about the negotiations.
Because military service is mandatory in Israel, the government has a very strong sense of responsibility toward keeping soldiers out of danger and securing their release should they be captured. A missing Israeli soldier is likely to receive much more attention than a missing soldier in any other army.
The US and Israel are rubbing each other the wrong way, evidenced by two reports issued today, one from each country. The US is likely to release a report compiled by retired general James Jones that is critical of Israeli policies in the West Bank. When word of this report got out, Israel released a statement complaining about the US intervening too often in minor Palestinian matters.
Jones was appointed by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice following the Annapolis peace conference last November. His assignment was to draft a strategic plan to facilitate stabilization of the security situation, as a necessary accompaniment to Israeli-Palestinian final-status negotiations. In this context, he assessed the PA security forces in the West Bank, whose reform is being overseen by another American general, Keith Dayton. Jones has visited the region several times and met with senior Israeli government officials and army officers. According to both Israeli and American sources, the envoy's conclusions about Israel are scathing.
Senior officials in the U.S. State Department, including Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, have repeatedly complained to Israel recently over relatively minor Palestinian issues that it would have ignored until a few months ago, Israeli officials say.
Complaints about settlement construction or army operations that kill Palestinian civilians have always been the norm. But Israeli officials are worried by the State Department's new tendency to intervene in a much broader range of issues.
One such case was:
Washington's demand that 10 Gazan Fulbright scholars be allowed to enter Israel for visa interviews at the U.S. consulate in East Jerusalem. However, Israel refused, saying they had been blacklisted for security reasons.
Rice personally intervened. In addition, an Israeli official said, the consulate leaked the story to the New York Times to embarrass Israel.
This could test the bond between the two countries, not just on these issues, but on the fundamental policies of Israel itself. American supporters of Palestinian issues have long been pressing their government to stop condoning Israeli tactics, but if the US continues intervening at Palestinians' behest, it may not be allowed to intervene at all.
UPDATE:
Since the above footage was released by B'Tselem, a government investigation was launched about the incident. The IDF's reaction was predictable.
The IDF originally said that Lieutenant Colonel Omri was unaware of the incident and that the door of his patrol vehicle blocked his line of vision. However, the footage seems to counter his claims.
Yawn. Try harder.
Then, when they realized that the footage could in no way corroborate this story, they tried again:
"This is an inappropriate incident which is against the IDF's values," an IDF spokesperson said yesterday. "Army regulations strictly prohibit the abuse of detainees and require their fair and honorable treatment. After examining the footage, the Military Advocate General, Brigadier General Avihai Mandelblit, ordered military police to open an investigation into the incident."
The soldier was arrested, but beyond that I know not.
I doubt this will be the last footage we see about this type of incident:
As part of its "Shooting Back" project, B'Tselem has distributed about 100 cameras to Palestinians throughout the West Bank over the last year.
In a follow-up about this thing I wrote two days ago...
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki got George Bush to agree to a timetable for troop withdrawal from Iraq. But this didn't get him any street cred in his part of the world. Al Jazeera said:
There's a rumor going around that Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is feeling his oats, flexing his muscle, and displaying a newfound confidence that has allowed him to challenge the American occupation of Iraq...But that's mostly wrong.
Now he's losing even more cred as he backtracks in a really lame way. In an interview with Spiegel:
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki supports US presidential candidate Barack Obama's plan to withdraw US troops from Iraq within 16 months. When asked in and interview with SPIEGEL when he thinks US troops should leave Iraq, Maliki responded "as soon as possible, as far as we are concerned." He then continued: "US presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes."
But then somebody was like, "shit, what if Obama loses?" and issued this official fart:
Dr. Ali al-Dabbagh, a spokesman for the Iraqi government, issued a statement saying Mr. Maliki’s statement had been “as not conveyed accurately regarding the vision of Senator Barack Obama, U.S. presidential candidate, on the timeframe for U.S. forces withdrawal from Iraq,” but it did not address a specific error.
The New York Times says about this:
Naturally, Mr. Maliki did not want to imply he was backing one candidate over another in a foreign election.
And the Atlantic Monthly says:
Matthew Yglesias, a blogger for the Atlantic Monthly, was astonished by "how little effort was made" to make the Baghdad denial convincing.
Plus, Spiegel has, like, transcripts.
So basically the moral of the story is that Maliki can't get no R.E.S.P.E.C.T.
A U.S. intelligence report released last month, however, concluded Tehran had stopped its nuclear weapons program in late 2003 and had not resumed it since.
In a Saturday statement, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said time has come for Tehran to choose between confrontation and meeting Western demands over its enrichment program.
"We hope the Iranian people understand that their leaders need to make a choice between cooperation, which would bring benefits to all, and confrontation, which can only lead to further isolation," said McCormack.
Dude, your rhetoric is as thin as water.
The US government is starting to seem like those "Old West" facades they have at tourist places. When you look around the side of the building, you see that the front is held up by two boards.
The deputy to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said Saturday that Iran was a friend of Israel, Iranian news agencies reported.
"Iran wants no war with any country, and today Iran is friend of the United States and even Israel.... Our achievements belong to the whole world and should be used for expanding love and peace," said Iranian Vice President Esfandiar Rahim-Mashaei, who is also head of the Cultural Heritage Organization.
I preserve this for posterity. Just, let it be known, everyone, that this was said.
However, this was also said:
Ahmadinejad himself caused international uproar with his anti-Israel tirades, voicing hope for the eradication of Israel from the Middle East, demanding its relocation to Europe or Alaska and doubting the historic dimension of the Holocaust during World War II.
Very apropos of my last post, where I mention the Palestinian guests of Israeli jails, Seth Freedman reads my mind again. He also discusses the treatment of these detainees, especially those under 18.
A snippet:
In February, Muhammad was snatched by a four-man squad of Israeli special forces while playing with friends near the security wall, a mile away from his home. He was subjected to a vicious beating by the men, who punched him repeatedly and smashed him across the face with the butt of a gun in broad daylight. "No one said a word to me during [the attack]", recalled Muhammad, whose description of the assault bore marked similarities to Rodney King's ordeal.
The difference, however, is that Muhammad is just 14 years old, yet was deemed a sufficient enough threat by the soldiers that he needed to be beaten to the point of almost losing consciousness. His crime? Allegedly throwing stones at the separation wall; something Muhammad strenuously denies.
Whereas Israeli youths are treated as children in the eyes of the law until they turn 18, Palestinians are not accorded such humane treatment, and can be imprisoned from the tender age of just 12. Since September 2000 Israel has arrested and detained almost 6000 children, with 700 under-18s arrested in 2007 alone.
And the reaction of advocates for people like Muhammad remind us again that all lawful avenues of recourse have been blocked.
Gerard Horton of DCI, an NGO which has taken up Muhammad's case, pointed to the IDF's flagrant violations of children's rights as yet another example of Israel thumbing its nose at international law. "These abuses have been well documented for many years, yet our pleas for intervention have fallen on deaf ears", he said. "The lack of will by the international community to uphold the rule of law when it comes to the Occupied Territories is deeply disturbing."
These point to the sentiments I have heard again and again since dipping my hand into this conflict: the violent reaction of Palestinian militants might not be advisable, but it is understandable.
Muhammad's mother says:
The Israelis do all of this to put pressure on us, in order to show that the army controls the Palestinians, and also to try to force us to leave – but whatever they do to us, we will remain here.
After months of writing about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I decided that I need to visit some actual Palestinians, ones who are currently living in the West Bank. I realized that most of my information about Arabs was coming from Israelis. And I realized this was pointless and even a bit dangerous. I wanted to see what Palestinian culture was like, apart from the conflict.
So I arranged to meet with a friend of a friend in Ramallah, who has asked that I call him Mr. T. It took me five buses and four hours to get roughly 30 miles from Tel Aviv to the Al-Jalzoon refugee camp north of Ramallah. Mr. T has a background in international law (which he says has no practical application in the occupied territories) and works for two non-profits in Ramallah, both of which are concerned with Palestinian culture and refugees. He welcomed me into his home and provided everything I needed for the three days and two nights I stayed there.
I was unsure about host/guest protocol at first so when he ordered and paid for my carrot juice at a juice bar, I asked him how much it was as I pulled out my wallet. He gave me The Look.
I have become very familiar with The Look during my time in Israel. It is one of the many cultural aspects Israelis and Palestinians have in common. It says, “What, you’re trying to pay? Oh, do put that away, it’s a pathetic attempt.”
Hosting, in Palestine, seems to be even more of a high honor than it is in Israel, which is something I never thought possible, since Israelis had been the most welcoming and thoughtful people I had yet encountered. Although, when I really examine my life experience, I should have known.
Just after high school, I used to baby sit at hotels for tourists. Almost invariably, the guests at the most expensive hotels, with the largest rooms, tipped the poorest. Guests at the Best Western tipped better than guests at the Ritz.
And so it was that a man who lives with his parents and eight siblings in a refugee camp purchased everything I needed during my visit.
But I quickly found that Palestinian culture could not be separated from the conflict. They feel its effects every day. It governs everything they do, every decision they make.
Mr. T took me to the Al-Jalzoon refugee camp, which is home to some 12,000 people, mostly from cities in the interior of Israel, such as Ramla and Lod. As we walked through the narrow streets, he explained that Israel has legal control over the camp, under the Oslo Accords, but that all services (sanitation, health, education) are provided by UNRWA (United Nations Reliefs and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees). However, these services are slowly being scaled back.
The school for boys sits at the edge of the camp, behind which one can see the characteristic red-tiled roofs of an Israeli settlement.
The streets of Al-Jalzoon show all the predictable signs of poverty: grafitti, garbage, crumbling walls, poorly-paved, narrow roads, and the occasional empty lot filled with rubble. Mr. T points these lots out here and there and says these homes were demolished by the IDF. When I ask why, he gives me an answer I will hear many, many times during this visit: for security. He says it with a sad sort of chuckle and when the look on my face prompts him for a more complete answer, he adds, “That’s what they say. That’s what they always say.” He adds that often the water supply to the camp is sometimes withheld and that Israel does not permit either the Palestinian Authority or UNRWA to dig wells below a certain depth.
The insides of the homes are remarkably different from the outsides. They are carefully decorated, with matching furniture and drapes, and sets of knick-knacks proudly standing guard in each corner. There is a large family room, a sitting room, a kitchen, bathroom, and several bedrooms. I asked Mr. T why there was such a big difference between the outsides and the insides of Al-Jalzoon. Before he could answer, my mind started generating possibilities. The most logical one is that the residents of the camp do not own their houses and the IDF does not allow them or UNRWA to make improvements to the infrastructure of the camp. Therefore they can only make improvements that cannot be readily seen. Another thought I had was that this home represents 56 years of life. Mr. T was born here. His elderly parents have lived here since the building was built in 1952.
But Mr. T’s answer was much simpler than mine. In response to my question, he quoted Palestinian poet Mahmoud Derwish, “We enjoy life whenever we can.”
We sat together in his sitting room and I asked him another question, one I have been asking many people during my stay in Israel. The question has two purposes: to help me expand my understanding of the conflict and to make people examine their own assumptions. The question is: what is the difference between a terrorist organization and a political party?
Mr. T thought quietly and then answered, “My own view is that terrorism does not have a definition so far. Under any circumstances, conflicting parties do not have to target a civilian population. But at the same time, if an occupying power oppresses an occupied people all the time and does not leave them any other option, then their action would be violent. I’m not trying to justify suicide bombings. But at the same time I can tell you that I understand them. Because if you hit me, if you continue hitting me, you have to expect my reaction. You are telling me, ‘Come and hit me.’”
He thought a moment more and then added, “One night about two years ago, there was a knock at the door. It was 2 a.m. Some soldiers came into the house and made me stand there, and took a picture of me. There was no reason for this. I believe this is terror.”
After this, we walked to the camp’s gathering place and smoked a hookah and talked about many things. An Arabic radio broadcast discussing the prisoner swap between Israel and Hezbollah came on. I asked Mr. T if he thought it was fair to exchange five live prisoners for two dead bodies. He said, flatly, “yes.” I pressed him, “Do you know what crimes the prisoners were held for?” “No I do not.” “So how do you know it’s fair?” “If this is the only way Israel will release them, what difference does it make?”
This led to a discussion of Israeli prisons. I asked him if he was ever in an Israeli jail and he said that he was once, for two weeks. When I asked him what the charge was, he said that he was not charged at all.
40% of adult male Palestinians have seen the inside of an Israeli jail. Prisoners can be held on “administrative detention” for years without being charged, and then released inexplicably. Other methods of punishment are house demolition, crop burning, and deportation. All of these actions can take place without charges being brought.
The next day, Mr. T brought me to Jericho where we saw Hisham’s Palace. As we sat quietly in the shade of a public park, trying to cope with the heat of the day, Mr. T said, “You know, things in the Arab world are changing. It will not benefit Israel to continue acting this way. Before two years ago, before the second Lebanon war, the world believed Israel was a superpower that could not be defeated. That is changing.”
Back in Tel Aviv, my Israeli host tells me the phone has been blowing up with inquiries about my trip to the other side. She rapid-fires questions at me, one of which is, “Did you discuss the prisoner swap?”
Sami Kuntar was one of the prisoners Israel released to Hezbollah. He spent the last 30 years in jail for murder. She said that prison was like Club Med for him- he got an education, he was taken care of. I said that she does not have a very accurate idea of her own prison system.
She frowned and I debated whether to continue. Should I educate her on her own country’s jails? She did bring up the subject, after all.
So I went on, and told her carefully that, based on many, many first-person accounts I have heard, no matter what crime you are arrested for, you are tortured. Israelis almost without exception torture their Palestinian detainees.
For detainees who are suspected of the most innocuous crimes, this torture may consist of forced nudity, stress positions, and sleep deprivation. For those who are accused of more serious crimes the torture may consist of subjection to surgery without anesthesia.
When I told her that nearly all Palestinian prisoners are tortured, she took the defensive. She did not deny that this was true, but instead pointed out that other countries do this, and nobody is accusing them of anything. She mentioned the United State’s bombing of civilian areas in Yugoslavia and asked why the world doesn’t cry about this.
What I thought, but did not say, was that the point was simply to know the truth. The truth is where it all begins.
But the truth is a cold rock in the belly that most Israelis cannot digest.
Note: As a supplemental visual aid in discussing the West Bank, I offer this map.
When most people imagine the West Bank, they assume that it is synonymous with the country of "Palestine" and that this area is under Palestinian control. The reality is that very little of the West Bank is under sole PA jurisdiction. Most of the West Bank is under Israeli military control. Other areas that are under full or partial PA control are still subject to Israeli intervention at the will of the IDF.
There are hundreds of IDF checkpoints in the West Bank and the passage of people through them is also at the will of the IDF and whichever commander is on duty at any given time.
Abducted soldier Gilad Shalit continues waiting for his homecoming as negotiations have stalled. Hamas originally planned to wait until after Israel completed its prisoner swap with Hezbollah to continue negotiating Shalit's release. On Wednesday, Israel released five prisoners to Hezbollah in exchange for the bodies of two IDF soldiers abducted two years ago. But many feared that if the prisoner exchange was successful, Hamas would make more demands of Israel in exchange for Shalit.
These fears may be warranted as Hamas has now become more firm in its demands.
Hamas originally asked for the release of some 800 prisoners. Israel approved 71 of those names, and Hamas seemed amenable to continuing negotiations. But now that Hezbollah has received five prisoners for two dead bodies, Hamas may be wondering how much a live soldier is worth.
Israel and Hamas have not yet agreed to renew negotiations over the release of kidnapped Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit, despite the completion of the Hezbollah prisoner swap and the relative quiet on the southern front that were supposed to advance talks on a swap with Hamas.
Hamas seems now to be refusing to back down from the list of hundreds of prisoners whose release it demands. However, Israel has only approved 71 names on the list.
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has finally succeeded in getting president Bush to agree on setting a timetable for troop withdrawal.
The AP says:
The two leaders agreed that improvements in security should allow for the negotiations "to include a general time horizon for meeting aspirational goals, such as the resumption of Iraqi security control in their cities and provinces and the further reduction of U.S. combat forces from Iraq," the White House said.
Bush repeatedly has vetoed legislation approved by Congress setting deadlines for American troop cutbacks.
It's like when your teenage children keep pushing the limits in their natural drive to become independent.
And then there's a surprise move where they help each other save face:
Friday's White House statement was intentionally vague and did not specify what kind of timelines were envisioned. That allows Iraqi officials, who are facing elections in the fall, to argue they are not beholden to Washington or willing to tolerate a permanent military presence in Iraq. For Bush, it points the way toward a legal framework for keeping American troops in Iraq after a U.N. mandate expires on Dec. 31.
Bush ought to be proud.
But in the Middle East, al-Maliki is not exactly seen this way.
There's a rumor going around that Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki is feeling his oats, flexing his muscle, and displaying a newfound confidence that has allowed him to challenge the American occupation of Iraq. As a result -- so the story goes -- Maliki has suspended talks with the United States on a long-term security agreement, and has spoken out in favor of a timetable for withdrawing U.S. forces.
But that's mostly wrong. From the start of his reign as prime minister in 2006, Maliki has been a weak and ineffectual leader. His political base is exceedingly narrow, and his Dawa Party is virtually nonexistent as a political force in Iraq today.
It seems that standing up to Bush will not be enough to gain him respect in his own part of the world. He's dealing with pressure from all sides:
Both Maliki and ISCI want to maintain U.S. support for the army and police, which have grown astronomically, from 337,000 in 2007, to 556,000 in 2008. So they can't afford to alienate Washington. At the same time, Maliki and ISCI are responding to strong pressure from Iran, which wants the Americans out of Iraq, and from Iraqi nationalists, who feel the same way. (Of course, the nationalists also want Iran to get out of Iraq.) That is not a formula for political strength.
Yesterday, Haaretz published an article that discusses the reasons the organizations were shut down, the possible repercussions for all involved, and the limitations of these types of tactics. I will do my best to sum up here.
The only information I had before this article about why the IDF shut the charities down was that they were somehow related to Hamas, either being funded by them or were funding them. This article reveals that the strongest connection they have to Hamas is probably secondhand:
Legally, the technology incubator is also criminalized by the fact that it takes money from an organization that aids charities run by Hamas. An educational institution in Hebron that helps underprivileged children via money from an United Arab Emirates charity fund, and the Hamas summer camp which that fund also aids, both have become criminal institutions.
In other words, if you accept donations from a fund that also aids Hamas, your organization is now illegal. And this is what has happened to most of the 36 organizations that Defense Minister Ehud Barak declared illegal on May 26.
Next, let's pretend that Hamas does not have roots all the way into the core of the Palestinian territories and that this economic blacklisting will actually stop them. Where will the Palestinian people then receive these services?
For those who believe Hamas' development and expansion can be delayed, finding the money source is an important means...Hamas' civil activity has no substitute in the Palestinian Authority. The small clinic in Gaza, the summer camps for children, the food distribution stations in the refugee camps, the enrichment classes for youth ¬ the PA and the municipalities are having difficulty offering alternatives. Hamas' civil activity often takes place in private homes and even in schools administered by the PA Education Ministry.
In effect, by hindering Hamas' power to offer constructive assistance to its people, Israel is causing the realization of its own fears. Without its "civil activity" Hamas is no more than a bunch of rogue revolutionaries.
And I wonder if it's better to prove this or to make its opposite true.
In any relationship, there must be compromise. And a prime example of this type of compromise is the struggle between being right and being happy. You cannot have both all the time. Perhaps it would be better for the couple if Israel would stop trying to prove that Hamas is up to no good, and start encouraging Hamas in its non-violence enterprises.
As for the limitations of this tactic, Haaretz says:
Israel has an even more difficult problem ¬ its ability to supervise the cash flow to these associations is much more limited. Monies transferred from Arab countries to the territories go through an Israeli clearinghouse by means of three banks, and each time the name of one of the organizations appears, the computer spits out the data, but it is very easy to rename the organizations or transfer money in cash.
So, realistically, this move has made a lot of people angry with Israel but the actual benefits could be minimal.
Haaretz offers an improvement to the plan:
Banning these organizations does have declarative importance and it does open a front against Hamas, but it appears that practically speaking, it will be difficult to realize...In order to succeed, Israel needs to cooperate closely with the PA, which can at least supervise the movement of money in banks or establish a "clean fund" that receives money from permitted sources. However, the PA is yet to establish such a fund.
But Israel can no more cooperate with the PA than the PA can cooperate with Hamas:
The PA does randomly strike at Hamas institutions in the West Bank (in Gaza it cannot do anything), but it also cannot appear to be damaging charities and welfare groups, especially when reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah is on the agenda.
These three entities are all weakening each other. And if they succeed in breaking each other, nobody will benefit. They will each be the subjects of someone else's occupation- perhaps Jordan and Egypt again. Or perhaps the United States.
First, there was when the IDF closed a mall in Nablus, along with a girls school and a medical center. Then, I went to Hebron and saw for myself the government-sanctioned segregation and economic strangulation.
There's a line somewhere back there. See it?It's so tiny. BECAUSE IT'S SO FAR AWAY.
The Guardian interviewed an aid worker at this orphanage, Rasheed:
"I believe that the soldiers who raided the sewing workshop and threw the equipment in the city dump are not truly Jewish. We in ICS know the difference between Zionism and Judaism.
The rest of the article is worth reading, too. But not very easy on the stomach. The Guardian's Seth Freedman also writes:
Appeals by EU politicians, UN representatives, activists in Israel, and even Israeli judges have all fallen on deaf ears, leaving the residents of Hebron under no illusions about the type of opponent with which they are dealing. If all proper channels of intervention turn out to be culs-de-sac, then it's little wonder that the locals turn to the only groups offering to defend their honour, namely the militants of Hamas and Islamic Jihad.
Does nobody have the hindsight to see that this approach does not work? It's not even a matter of right or wrong. They are going to destroy their own country before they kill or expel the last Palestinian.
More Israeli culture. Firstly, we see here a fusion of product branding and location branding. Builders in Jerusalem and surrounding areas are required to use this type of stone, called appropriately Jerusalem Stone, to keep Jerusalem looking....well....like Jerusalem. But then there's McDonald's, which has its own requirements. The two were somehow able to work it out.
And here we have the ubiquitous wallet-phone-keys combination. This might not seem at first like an exclusive facet of Israeli culture. Lots of people keep these items together. But Israelis love to take these three items out of their pockets and put them on tables. If you're out at a restaurant or cafe in Israel, take a look around. Every table will have at least one wallet-phone-keys combination.
There is something in the Jewish genes that makes it so they can't sit down if any of these items are in their pockets.
For those of you who have been following my coverage of The Wall this new development will be interesting.
Residents of the West Bank village of Bil'in protest the separation fence that divides their land every Friday. Back in September of 2007, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the route of the wall was illegal and that 1,700 meters of it should be removed. This ruling has yet to be followed.
Part of the delay has been caused by expansion of the Modi'in Ilit settlement nearby. The Supreme Court also ruled it is illegal to plan the route of the separation barrier based on constructions that do not yet exist, so it is believed by activists involved that Israeli officials are waiting until the settlement expansion is complete to draw up the new plans for the wall.
Possibly due to the continuing violence and unrest in Bil'in and similar villages, Israeli officials drew up a preliminary plan for the alternate route. However, Bili'n local council head Ahmed Issa Abdallah Yassin says this new route will only return 10% of the farmland taken from the village.
Yassin says this plan is only a delay tactic:
Yassin said that in the meantime, the state is allowing building developers to create facts on the ground and that in another two months time, "they will be able to debate new security stipulations that will be influenced by building projects which will by then be complete, leaving them "no choice" but to rework the fence with these developments in mind."
UPDATE: In addition to rejecting the proposed route change, Bil'in is suing the Canadian firms that are building in the Modi'in settlement. Haaretz says:
The village claims the companies have been building in Israel's largest settlement, Upper Modiin, in violation of international law. The construction is taking place on land seized from Bili'in after Israel captured the West Bank in the 1967 Six-Day War, according to the suit. Among other things, the claim cites the Fourth Geneva Convention, which forbids an occupying power from transferring its own civilians into occupied territory.
Bil'in's attorney, Michael Sfard, says this is the first suit of its kind and calls for the halt of settlement construction and the removal of 30 buildings the company previously built.
In a move that cheapens Israel's efforts toward a cease fire, IDF forces have raided a mall and several other organizations in the West Bank city of Nablus today.
Haaretz says Israel's Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, signed an order directing the IDF to shut down 5 businesses reported to be in some way associated with Hamas, such as a mall, a medical society, and two charitable organizations that aid refugee camps. 36 other organizations worldwide were banned from Israel and Palestinian territories.
Haaretz says:
Over the last few years, Hamas has built an "organizational system that, if necessary, could serve as the basis for a state," a senior IDF official told Haaretz.
So, they negotiate a cease fire with Hamas that applies only to Gaza, but then step up their efforts to destroy West Bank infrastructure. It seems like Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and Hamas are all oblivious to the fact that they are dependent on each other. If the PA and Hamas were to treat each other like rival political parties and not rival nations, the destruction of this infrastructure might slow and eventually stop. And if Israel were to acknowledge each as such, they might turn their attention away from hating Israel for just a minute.
The main difference between a terrorist organization and a political party is acknowledgment. Imagine if Israel were to do the unthinkable and actually acknowledge all Palestinian factions.
Then they would become each others' problem.
Further news from Haaretz:
The IDF raided the Nablus mall and the five charities early Tuesday and left notices to the owners regarding the closure order, residents said. It said the mall will be closed for five years starting the middle of August, while the charities will be closed for two years. The army seized computers and files from the places.
I had the opportunity to join an acquaintance who was traveling to Hebron to visit the Cave of the Patriarchs. Hebron is in the West Bank but is partially populated by Israeli settlers. There are different rules for entering the different parts of Hebron, which are designated H1 and H2. Some roads are closed to Palestinians and some roads are closed to Israelis. Anyone who is not either of those generally has free access to both areas, but sometimes even non-Israeli Jews are not allowed to enter Palestinian areas.
Background on Hebron
The name Hebron is from the root haver, meaning friend, and the Arabic name, Ibrahim al-Khalil means Abraham the Friend. This title alludes to Abraham’s relationship to god (god’s friend) and the chosen-ness of his descendants. It is believed that Abraham, the father of all three of the region’s major religions, purchased the Cave of the Patriarchs and surrounding area to bury his wife. Subsequently, some of his children and grandchildren were buried here. This is what makes the site sacred to Jews, Christians, and Muslims
The Cave of the Patriarchs now houses a synagogue and a mosque, which are accessed through different entrances. The synagogue is accessed through the Jewish part of Hebron and the mosque, on the other side of the building, is accessed through the Arab part of Hebron.
The site has since been under Christian rule (during the crusades), Muslim rule (by Salah ed-Din and then the Ottoman empire) and finally, Jewish rule again. Palestine became a British mandate in 1917. In 1929, in what is known as the Hebron Massacre, Arabs killed or wounded 127 Jews and destroyed homes and synagogues. The British subsequently evacuated Jews from the area.
When the state of Israel was created in 1948, Hebron fell under Jordanian rule and Jews were no longer allowed to enter the West Bank at all. But after the Six Day War in 1967, Jews began to populate the area again with the tacit support of the government.
The Oslo Accord, in 1997, recognized some Palestinian authority in this area and divided Hebron into two areas, designated H1 and H2. H1 consisted of 120,000 Palestinians and control was given to the new Palestinian Authority under Yasser Arafat. H2 consisted of 30,000 Palestinians and 900 Jews and this area was put under Israeli control.
Since that time, the Arab population of H2 has dropped drastically. The reasons for this are commonly listed as: curfews, restriction of movement, closing of shops, and harassment by Israeli settlers.
Since the Second Intifada, which began in September of 2000, the Cave of the Patriarchs has been the site of two massacres- one by Arabs against Jews and one by a Jew against Arabs.
The Jewish Area
Upon our arrival to Hebron, my companion, Ben, asked a soldier if we were allowed to enter the mosque and, if so, how would we get there. To our surprise, he answered in unaccented English and told us he was new to this post, and to Israel, and he didn’t know the rules. He said he was from Milwaukee and he had made aliyah to Israel a year ago.
We thanked him and continued on through the Jewish area, which was a Twilight Zone-esque rambling of cobblestone streets and squares that did not permit access to cars. We had stumbled upon the world of what Israelis call “the very religious.” Little boys ran screaming and playing, with their kipas almost falling off their heads. Ladies dressed conservatively in long skirts and sweaters walked demurely through the square. Despite our markedly different appearance, nobody paid us any attention. The synagogue often brings outsiders.
We continued to walk and another soldier told us we could find Arab Hebron at the top of the hill, past what used to be the Arab marketplace, the souk. As we walked up the hill, an eerie silence combined with the late afternoon shadows to produce more Twilight Zone-esque feelings. The shops were all closed up, permanently, and most had the star of David spray painted on the doors. These images strongly echoed the anti-Jewish sentiments of Europe pre-WWII, but this grafitti was done by Jews, not against Jews. Like a dog peeing on a tree, they were marking their territory and telling the Arab merchants in no uncertain terms: we want you out.
One piece of grafitti even said, in Hebrew, “Gas the Arabs.” This was not the first time I had seen or heard Nazi ideas directed at Arabs but I am still surprised at it every time. 63 years after the Holocaust ended, nobody notices the irony of idolizing Hitler’s methods.
The scene reminded me of the setting of video games I’ve seen, like Call of Duty. One can see all the normal structures of a town: houses, shops, streets, sidewalks. But no people. And structures that were built for life are now a setting for war. Grafitti, barbed wire, and blackened sections of wall or floor that had been burned were the major features of the landscape.
Looking for the Mosque
On this road with the closed shops, we met two men walking toward us. After a short talk, we ascertained that they were Israeli peace activists who are working with the Palestinians. “With what organization?” I asked. “Just ourselves,” they answered. “We do what we can.” Ben asked how it was for the younger of the two men to serve in the army while having these ideals. “I didn’t serve,” he said. “I refused.” “And what were the consequences?” Ben asked. “I went to jail,” answered our new friend. We looked up to the second floor windows and saw some faces peering out behind the grates. “Do Palestinians still live in those apartments?” Ben asked. “Some do, yes,” the older man answered. “But the only access to them is through the roof. They cannot travel on this road. It’s an apartheid road.” Then they explained that the Palestinians had closed their shops because of this. This was not an official IDF policy, and therefore could not be protested, but so many Palestinians had been turned away for flimsy reasons that the shopkeepers could no longer keep their businesses open.
We continued up the hill, past more closed shops, and encountered another guard post with one soldier and one police officer. The officer asked us in Hebrew if we were Israeli and Ben answered that we were American. The officer then asked if we were Jewish, and when Ben answered yes, he hesitated to let us pass. He said usually Jews were not permitted to enter the Arab area, but that he would allow us because we were American.
We walked on.
Another guard post. This one was a small trailer, the sort movie stars get on set, stretched across the road. We got on, went through, and got off on the other side. Nobody stopped us this time.
The other side of the trailer was a different world. We had abruptly entered a busy souk with cars, bicycles, crowds, shops, garbage, and noise. The packed humanity stretched as far as the top of the next hill, and I couldn’t see farther. The setting sun cast long shadows over everyone as they conducted their business. Children, especially teenage boys, crowded around me, selling trinkets and trying to get my attention. They used what little English they knew in a frantically repeated loop: Where from? Where from? Where from? How are you? How are you? Adult men and women avoided my eyes, unless they were shopkeepers. In this case they summoned their best English and a grand gesture along with it to entice me into their shops: Welcome Americans! We have the best here! Only two shekels! Would you like to have coffee with me?
Merchants with carts pushed them along behind us, and by the time we neared the edge of the souk, we were trailing a caboose of Palestinians yelling, “Come back Americans!”
Abruptly we entered another area where the shops were all closed. We had gone downhill and entered a covered souk, so the air became fetid, the light receded, and the garbage became more profuse. As we turned a corner, a group of 10 or 12 soldiers appeared. They congregated in a hole in the wall of the souk large enough for a bulldozer to pass through. They were agitated and asked us, “What are you doing here? How did you get here?” Ben responded that soldiers at previous checkpoints said it was ok to go this way to look for the mosque. One of these soldiers said that was not correct and we needed to leave. When we asked how to do that, they pointed us in the direction of the mosque.
Before we walked away, my curiosity got the best of me and I asked Ben to see if the soldiers would tell him what they were guarding. To my surprise, they did. They were guarding another entrance to the mosque.
Finally we reached our last checkpoint of the day, at what we thought was the mosque, complete with barbed wire and a metal detector that nobody was paying attention to. When we reached the gate, the soldiers again asked what we were doing there and how we got there. They said they need to escort us back to the Jewish area but had to get their commander’s approval to let us pass. We gave them our passports and when they saw Ben’s, they joked, “like Benny! Can we call you Benny?”
Five of us stood there, passing the time together, smoking cigarettes. Me, Ben, two IDF soldiers, and a Palestinian selling postcards of the synagogue.
Finally, after what must have been a complete fact-finding mission, they got word from their commander that we could pass safely back to Judea. I anticipated a ride in an armored vehicle or a walk through forbidden streets, but the soldier walked “Benny” and I ten feet away, where we stepped through a door and found ourselves back where we started.
It had ceased to be Twilight Zone-esque and had become fully Alice in Wonderland.
We heard there was a tapas bar that served cheese and champagne and sent you outside with it. And that was exactly what we found. Literally, a bar that you can order cheese, meat, and champagne. There are literally 6 stools against the wall. Reason number 826,432,097 why I love Tel Aviv in summer. The land of milk and honey? Shit. The land of cava and champagne!
So we took our NIS67 ($20) bottle of champagne outside to the square and stumbled upon the above gathering. People slowly began to fill up the square and musicians warmed up with the theme from Mario Bros. and Billy Joel's Piano Man on harmonica. And our new friend Amir from Mahzelet was more than happy to explain just what his group does.
By the way, what he means by "no bar will enter us" is "we don't pass selection." Hence, they created an alternative.
Yesterday in Jerusalem, a Palestinian construction worker took his bulldozer on a rampage down Jaffa street, killing three people and wounding dozens. This event occurred more or less right in front of the Jerusalem office of the Associated Press so it was caught on tape from multiple angles.
The first press reports on the incident were understandably contradictory. The number of people killed and injured, which group was responsible for the attack, how the driver was stopped: these facts were all hotly debated but no two sources could agree with each other. One day later, with all the video footage compiled, some of these questions can be answered, but some still have not.
You can see in the above video, beginning at 2:35, off-duty soldier Moshe Plesser firing into the cabin of the bulldozer and killing the driver.
Now the biggest question is: who is responsible for the attack? Immediately following the rampage, several small terrorist organizations claimed responsibility, but none of these claims have been credible. Police investigators believe the driver, Hussam Duwiyat, was acting alone. His family says he was a petty criminal and a drug addict who just snapped. This claim is not without strings, however. It is Israeli policy to demolish the homes of suicide terrorists and deny their families insurance payouts as a method of deterring suicide attacks. Many of these "martyrs" are motivated by poverty and desperation and are told by the organizations that plan the attacks that their family will be taken care of, which is often more than the martyr can promise to provide while alive.
Duwiyat had been recently released from an Israeli prison. He served two years for rape.
An interesting tidbit, which may or may not prove to be significant, is that the two major players in yesterday's drama were related to the two major players in a similar drama four months ago. Back in March, a Palestinian gunman entered a Jerusalem yeshiva (religious school) and opened fire, killing 8 people. The soldier who shot him was David Shapira, who is the brother-in-law of Moshe Plesser, who killed yesterdays bulldozer driver, Duwiyat. Duwiyat was the neighbor of the yeshiva gunman.
However, in Israel, these kinds of coincidences are not at all unusual. Instead of six degrees of separation, one can usually expect to make a connection within one or two.
It has not been decided whether Duwiyat's home will be demolished, but I can imagine that proponents of this plan will find poetic justice in using yesterday's bulldozer to do it.
Bilha says:
First of all, look, how he got the job? What a situation we are in, here. We have to give them jobs, I mean...they are Israeli citizens."
Security experts say these kinds of individual terrorist attacks are almost impossible to prevent. Palestinians with Israeli identity cards speak fluent Hebrew, move about Israel freely, and have access to weapons. The Shin Bet (Israeli intelligence) has, however, had success in preventing attacks by organizations.
Besides the yellow light to warn of the impending red light, Israelis also have this. The combined red and yellow light indicate that the light is about to turn green, which allows drivers to speed ahead and pick off pedestrians as fast as they like.
Also, do you recognize this?
How about now?
This was seen in a mall, next to a McDonald's, a KFC, a "China Town" and a shawarma place.
Iran's oil Minister Gholam Hossein Nozari spoke at the OPEC conference in Madrid today. He basically said that if attacked, Iran would respond fiercely and that such an attack would drive oil prices higher than anyone could imagine. But he also said:
Nozari, however, said Tehran would not cut oil deliveries and would continue supplying the market even if struck by Israel or the United States.
Um...is it just me or is he saying, "Go ahead and attack us, we'll be rich!" Or maybe he's saying, "Thousands and thousands of our people will die, but those of us who make the decisions can wipe our asses with gold."
AP's George Jahn says:
Tehran is under U.N., U.S. and European sanctions because it has defied U.N. Security Council demands to suspend its uranium enrichment program. But with oil supplies tight and prices at unprecedented levels, the energy industry remains tempted by the possibilities of investing in Iran, OPEC's second largest oil producer and No. 2 in terms of the world's natural gas reserves.
Is it possible that Bush, Olmert, and Ahmadinejad are all having a big threesome? If Iran could, as Nozari claims, continue to ship oil while at war, can you imagine the amount of money that bring in? I don't think we even have numbers that go that high. The energy industry powers the US government. It is so far fetched that the US would go to war just to get oil and make money?
Oh wait....
So, perhaps this indirect announcement is Phase III in a twelve step plan to justify another Middle East campaign.
I can imagine how this was planned: (Scene: a dark room with lush surroundings, a group of men hold drinks and cigars)
Ahmadinejad: So I'll act like a real asshole. Say bad stuff about Jews and the US and freedom.
Bush's handlers: And we'll say, "Whoa, this guy is dangerous! We should keep an eye on him."
Ahmadinejad: And then I'll start messing around with nuclear power and be real suspicious about it.
Bush's handlers: Then we'll threaten military action.
Ahmadinejad: This will cause me to act even creepier.
Bush's handlers: But how to keep the investors from getting nervous....hmmm...
